By Katharina Hartmann, Tonjes Veenstra
The phenomenon of clefts is past doubt a golden oldie. It has captivated linguists of alternative disciplines for many years. The fascination arises from the original syntax of clefts in interplay with their pragmatic and semantic interpretation. Clefts constitution sentences in response to the data nation of the ingredients contained in them. they're specified as they convey a slightly unusual syntactic shape to accomplish the separation of the well-liked half, both focal or topical, from the heritage of the clause. regardless of the iconic curiosity in clefts, linguists haven't but come to an contract on many simple questions. The articles contained during this quantity tackle those concerns from new theoretical and empirical views. in keeping with information from approximately 50 languages from worldwide, this quantity offers new arguments for the right kind derivation of clefts, and contributes to the continuing debate at the information-structural impression of cleft constructions. Theoretically, it combines smooth syntactic theorizing with investigations on the interface among grammar and information-structure.
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To be) what Briani is (11) a. I consider the best candidate *(to be) Brian b. 4) and between (10b) and (11b) is strongly suggestive of a parallel syntactic derivation for specificational pseudoclefts with wh-clause – be – value order and inverse specificational copular sentences of the type in (5a). The obligatoriness of the copula in (11b) can be made to follow from an analysis of inverse specificational copular sentences according to which the predicative noun phrase, the best candidate, is raised from its base position within the small-clause to a small-clause external A–position, across the base position of its subject (Brian), as depicted in (12b).
For (1b), on the other hand, the term ‘specificational pseudocleft’ is entirely apt – (1b) ‘cleaves’ the sentence Brian is important to himself into two portions on either side of the copula, with important to himself specifying a value for the variable in the wh-clause. e. the opposite of the situation in (1a)). The two major constituents of the specificational pseudocleft in (1b) can in fact change places, as in (4a, b) – on a par with specificational copular sentences of the type in (5). Such word-order alternation is impossible in predicational ‘pseudoclefts’, unless the AP predicate is degree-modified – and in this respect, (1a) behaves exactly like other gardenvariety copular sentences with AP predicates (see (2b) and (2b′), and compare these to (3b, b′)).
2007b. In place – out of place: Focus in Hausa. In On Information Structure: Meaning and Form [Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 100], Kerstin Schwabe & Susanne Winkler (eds), 365–403. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Introduction Hartmann, Katharina & Zimmermann, Malte. 2009. Morphological focus marking in Gùrùntùm (West Chadic). Lingua 119(9): 1340–1365. Hartmann, Katharina & Zimmermann, Malte. 2012. Focus marking in Bura: Semantic uniformity matches syntactic heterogeneity. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 30(4): 1061–1108.
Cleft Structures by Katharina Hartmann, Tonjes Veenstra