By Lotte Hogeweg, Helen de Hoop, Andrej Malchukov
In recent times, now we have witnessed, at the one hand, an elevated curiosity in cross-linguistic info in formal semantic experiences, and, however, an elevated quandary for semantic matters in language typology. although, in basic terms few reports mix semantic and typological examine for a selected semantic area (such because the papers in Bach et al. (1995) on quantification and Smith (1997) on aspect). This booklet brings jointly formal semanticists with a cross-linguistic point of view and/or these engaged on lesser-known languages, and typologists attracted to semantic conception, to debate semantic version within the particular area of annoying, point, and Mood/Modality.
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Additional info for Cross-linguistic Semantics of Tense, Aspect, and Modality
Let us consider whether the coercion approach can be applied to Ancient Greek. The answer to this question is in the negative, the reason for this being that the Imperfective and Aorist differ from the Imparfait and Passé Simple in some crucial respects. The first respect concerns the first argument de Swart puts forward in favor of a coercion analysis for French, the restriction to the past tense. In Ancient Greek the perfective/imperfective distinction is not restricted to the past tense. On the contrary, it is grammaticalized throughout the verb paradigm.
The argumentation is based on the similarities and differences between the aspectual systems of French and Ancient Greek. Before I lay down the organization of this paper, an important point has to be made about the term perfective/imperfective distinction, as the title of the paper may be misleading. The title may suggest that there are scholars who claim that the aspectual shifts that we find with imperfective and perfective aspect should be treated as coercion phenomena. This, however, is not the case.
2005. Tipologija specializirovannyx glagol’nyx form imperativa (Typology of specialized verbal imperative forms). D. dissertation, Moscow University. de Haan, F. 1997. The Interaction of Modality and Negation: A Typological Study. New York NY: Garland. Incompatible categories ïœ³ïœ± Haspelmath, M. 2006. Against markedness (and what to replace it with). Journal of Linguistics 42: 50–70. Hendriks, P. & de Hoop, H. 2001. Optimality theoretic semantics. Linguistics and Philosophy 24: 1–32. de Hoop, H.
Cross-linguistic Semantics of Tense, Aspect, and Modality by Lotte Hogeweg, Helen de Hoop, Andrej Malchukov